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Will Suvendu Adhikari Get The One Thing That Jyoti Basu & Mamata Banerjee Enjoyed In Bengal?

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Unlike states that swing between parties every election, Bengal has historically backed one political force and one chief ministerial face for long stretches

With Suvendu Adhikari set to become Bengal’s first BJP chief minister, the big question is whether he too can enjoy the kind of political stability that defined tall leaders of the state. (PTI)

With Suvendu Adhikari set to become Bengal’s first BJP chief minister, the big question is whether he too can enjoy the kind of political stability that defined tall leaders of the state. (PTI)

If there is one defining feature of West Bengal politics over the last five decades, it is that Bengal rarely changes its mind quickly.

Unlike states that swing between parties every election, Bengal has historically backed one political force and one chief ministerial face for long stretches. From the Left Front’s 34-year rule to Mamata Banerjee’s uninterrupted 15-year tenure, the state has shown an unusual preference for continuity over churn.

Now, with Suvendu Adhikari set to become Bengal’s first BJP chief minister, the big question is whether he too can enjoy the kind of political stability that defined leaders like Jyoti Basu, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and Mamata Banerjee.

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Bengal’s Habit Of Staying With One Leader

According to a recent Times of India analysis, Bengal’s politics is marked by “remarkably concentrated” power, with just three chief ministers dominating the state across nearly 50 years. That is extraordinary in Indian politics.

While Jyoti Basu ruled for over 23 years, the Left Front remained in power from 1977 to 2011. Similarly, Mamata Banerjee then led the state for three consecutive terms from 2011 to 2026. In contrast, states like Karnataka, Maharashtra or Uttarakhand have seen frequent leadership changes and coalition instability.

Why Bengal ‘Sticks’

Political scientists and election analysts often point to a few recurring reasons, the most significant being strong cadre-based politics. According to Cambridge University Press, whether it was the CPI(M) earlier or the Trinamool Congress later, Bengal’s dominant parties built deep booth-level organisational structures that embedded themselves into everyday life.

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Also, in Bengal, voting has often been tied to ideological or emotional identity rather than purely transactional politics. Reddit agrees with the assessment. The Left represented class politics and land reforms. The TMC represented Bengali regional assertion and welfare politics. Once voters align emotionally with a political ecosystem, they tend to stay with it for years.

A weak opposition also had a key role to play in this pattern. Bengal’s dominant ruling parties usually benefited from an opposition that remained divided or organisationally weak for long periods. For instance, the Congress failed to dislodge the Left for decades. Later, the Left and Congress struggled to stop the TMC. The BJP eventually emerged as the principal challenger, but it took years to build a durable grassroots network.

Another argument that could explain voter loyalty is that successive Bengal governments invested heavily in rural networks, welfare delivery and local patronage systems. That often translated into durable electoral support. Discussions among Bengal voters frequently point to welfare access, local roads, subsidies and grassroots connect as key reasons for political continuity, the Times of India reported.

So, Can Suvendu Adhikari Get The Same Stability?

Possibly, but there are two important caveats, given that Adhikari enters office under very different conditions from either the Left in 1977 or Mamata Banerjee in 2011.

According to The Economic Times, he is one of Bengal BJP’s strongest mass leaders and has deep knowledge of the TMC’s organisation after years inside the party. The BJP’s victory gives Bengal, for the first time, a national party with a full majority and strong central backing. If the BJP successfully builds a durable rural and booth-level structure, Bengal’s historical preference for continuity could eventually work in Adhikari’s favour too. In other words, once Bengal accepts a political force as the “natural ruling party”, it often stays with it.

But the risks are bigger too. Unlike the Left Front or the early TMC, the BJP in Bengal is still relatively new as a governing force and has to transition from aggressive opposition politics to stable governance.

There are also structural challenges such as managing former TMC entrants and old BJP workers, delivering governance in a politically polarised atmosphere, and sustaining voter coalitions beyond anti-incumbency. Most importantly, Adhikari does not yet command the near-uncontested emotional dominance that leaders like Mamata Banerjee or Jyoti Basu enjoyed at their peak.

The Real Test

Bengal has historically rewarded governments that create a sense of political inevitability. The Left had it for three decades. Mamata Banerjee inherited it after 2011.

The question now is whether Suvendu Adhikari can convert a breakthrough victory into a long-term political era or whether Bengal’s first BJP government turns out to be an interruption in the state’s long tradition of stable, dominant regimes.

News explainers Will Suvendu Adhikari Get The One Thing That Jyoti Basu & Mamata Banerjee Enjoyed In Bengal?
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